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Don't Believe the Lies About the Dresden Casualties -

At Least 250K Were Incinerated Alive

 
 

It is ironic that those who screech loudest about holocaust denial are 6 million times

guiltier of being in denial of confirmed holocausts. It is because Allied holocausts

are so undisputed that their only recourse is censorship ~ and denial.

 

Across Europe, especially in France, Germany, Italy and the Low Countries, thousands

of cities and their unfortunate civilian populations was fireball incinerated. Dresden and

hundreds of other cities and towns in Europe were literally turned into horrific crematories.

Many metropolis never recovered from the Allied infernos. Whatever city and town

landscapes you see in Germany today is alien to what it was in our lifetime.

In respect of Dresden, the Federal Republic of Germany put the figure of dead at 35,000.

This is still not enough to fill any small city’s football arena. On February 14, 1945, the Saxon

city’s population, similar to that of say Liverpool, was teeming with refugees

fleeing the ravishing Red Army then being urged on by Winston Churchill.

It is reasonable to assume that Dresden was host to 1,500,000 doomed souls when the

first of the RAF and USAAF carpet bombing raids commenced on St Valentine’s Night 1945.

 

Shortly after reunification, the Dresden city administration at that time also represented

the survivors’ point of view. COMPACT presents an original document of the Landeshauptstadt Dresden

/ Stadtverwaltung from July 31, 1992, signed by the Area Manager Karin Mitscherlich. It clearly states:

In a vain attempt to provide more credible figures a document was eventually produced

that appeared to concede that 202,000 people, mostly civilians had died in the Allied crematoria: 

 

‘According to reliable information from the Dresden police, 202,040 dead, mostly

women and children, were recovered by March 20, 1945. Only 30% of these could

be identified. Including the missing, a figure of 250,000 to 300,000 victims is likely

to be realistic. Appalling, many of the hillocks of corpses were later

misrepresented by the Allied media as victims of German internment camps.’

 

However, scholarly revisionism has proved that this document was fake. The false document

was yet another vain attempt to sidestep the true figure of those

incinerated, which could be set at four times that number who perished.

 

‘Dresden 1945’, has compiled a large number of sources in the chapter ‘Facts and Figures’ 

original documents, extracts from contemporary press releases, finds in Soviet

encyclopaedias, plus testimonies from SED politicians, and in Issue published

that the overwhelming majority assume over 100,000 victims of the terrorist attack.

An exact number is simply impossible because during the holocaust many of the victims

were burned to ashes or literally evaporated in their cellars. The ludicrous spin on the

allied spun casualty figures spurred historians on to further investigations:

Corresponding new research has not yet been completed.

 

Concerned voices were raised about the incineration not just of this great Saxon city but

of the satanic-like scale of the holocaust that was rained down on Germany,

France, Italy and the Low Countries by the USAAF and RAF.

‘One of the most unhealthy features of the bombing offensive was that the War Cabinet –

and in particular the Secretary for Air, Archibald Sinclair, felt it necessary to repudiate

publicly the orders which they themselves had given to Bomber Command.’ 

~ R. H. S Crosman. Labour Minister of Housing. Sunday Telegraph, October 1 1961.

 

‘Kassel suffered over three-hundred air raids, some carrying waves of 1,000 bombers;

British by night, American by day.  When on April, 4, 1945, Kassel surrendered, of a

population of 250,000, just 15,000 were left alive.’   ~  

Jack Bell, Chicago Daily News Foreign Service, Kassel, May 15 1946.

‘Countless smaller towns and villages had been razed to the ground or turned into ghost towns,

like Wiener Neustadt in Austria, which emerged from the air raids and the street fighting

with only eighteen houses intact and its population reduced from 45,000 to 860.’ 

 In the Ruins of the Reich, Douglas Botting. George, Allen & Unwin. London. 1985.

 

OTHER CITIES incinerated with most of their populations: Berlin, Hamburg,

Dortmund, Essen, Dresden, Frankfurt, Nuremberg, Dusseldorf, Hanover, Bremen,

Wuppertal, Vienna, Duisburg. Munich, Magdeburg, Leipzig, Mannheim, Stuttgart,

Kiel, Gelsdenkirchen, Bochum, Aachen, Wurzburg, Darmstadt, Krefeld, Munster,

Munchen Gladbach, Braunschweig, Ludwishafen, Remscheid, Pforzheim, Osnabruck,

Mainz, Bielefeld, Gieben, Duren, Solingen, Wilhelmshaven, Karlsruhe, Oberhausen,

Heilbronn, Augsburg, Hamm, Knittelfeld, Luneburg, Cuxhaven, Kulmback, Hagen,

Saarbrucken, Freiburg, Graz, Koblenz, Ulm, Bonn, Bremerhaven, Wanne-Eickel,

Worms, Lubeck, Schweinfurt, Kleve, Wiener Neustadt, Wiesbaden, Paderborn, Bocholt,

Hanau, Hildesheim, Emden, Siegen, Pirmasons, Hale, Bayreuth, Kreuznach, Witten,

Aschaffenburg, Kaiserlautern, Gladbeck, Dorsten, Innsbruck, Neumunster, Linz,

Klagenfurt, Reutlingen, Recklinghausen, Reuel, Regensburg, Homberg, Elmshorn,

Wetzel, Villach, Hamelin, Konigsberg, Moers, Passau, Solbad Hall I. T, Coburg,

Attnang-Puchheim, Friedrichshafen, Frankfurt-Oder, Danzig, Bozen, Chemnitz,

Rostock,  Schwerte, Plauen, Rome, Bad Kreuznach, Neapel, Genoa, Mailand, Turin.

London Times reviewer on the British Official History of the Strategic Air Offensive: 

‘One closes these volumes feeling, uneasily, that the true heroes of the story they tell

are neither the contending air marshals, nor even the 58,888 officers and men of

Bomber Command who were killed in action

.

They were the inhabitants of the German cities under attack; the men, women and children

who stoically endured and worked on among the flaming ruins of their homes

and factories, up till the moment when the allied armies overran them.’

‘A sense of national embarrassment about the dark side of a virtuous war’ may be the

explanation for the British Bombing Survey Unit’s silence.  Such a sentiment may account

for the disdain in which ‘Bomber Harris’ was sometimes later held. Perhaps it even

explains the near silence about area bombing in the six-volume war history by

Winston Churchill.’ ~ Are We Beasts? Churchill and the Moral Question of World War 11

‘Area Bombing’ Christopher C. Harmon, Naval War College Newport, Rhode Island. The U.S.

 
 
 
 


 
APOCALYPSE 1945
The Destruction of Dresden
 
by David Irving
 
Click on this link: 
 
 
 
 

From 13 to 15 February 1945, British (and some American) heavy bombers dropped

2,400 tons of high explosives and 1,500 tons of incendiary bombs onto the ancient

cathedral city of Dresden. In just a few hours, around 250,000 to 350,000 civilians

were blown up or incinerated. 

(The Telegraph)

 

 

Victor Gregg, a British para captured at Arnhem, was a prisoner of war in Dresden that

night who was ordered to help with the clear up. In a 2014 BBC interview he recalled the

hunt for survivors after the apocalyptic firestorm. In one incident, it took his team seven

hours to get into a 1,000-person air-raid shelter in the Altstadt. Once inside, they found no

survivors or corpses: just a green-brown liquid with bones sticking out of it. The cowering

people had all melted. In areas further from the town centre there were legions of adults

shrivelled to three feet in length. Children under the age of three had simply been vaporised.

 

It was not the first time a German city had been firebombed. “Operation Gomorrah” had

seen Hamburg torched on 25 July the previous year. Nine thousand tons of explosives

and incendiaries had flattened eight square miles of the city centre, and the resulting

inferno had created an oxygen vacuum that whipped up a 150-mile-an-hour wind burning

at 800 Celsius. The death toll was 37,000 people. (By comparison, the atom bomb in

Nagasaki killed 40,000 on day one.)

 

This thinking was not trumpeted from the rooftops. But in November 1941 the Commander-in-Chief

of Bomber Command said he had been intentionally bombing civilians for a year.

“I mention this because, for a long time, the Government, for excellent reasons, has

preferred the world to think that we still held some scruples and attacked only what the

humanitarians are pleased to call Military Targets. I can assure you, gentlemen, that

we tolerate no scruples.”

 

The debate over this strategy of targeting civilians is still hotly contentious and emotional,

in Britain and abroad. There is no doubting the bravery, sacrifice, and suffering of the

young men who flew the extraordinarily dangerous missions: 55,573 out of Bomber Command’s

125,000 flyers never came home. The airmen even nicknamed their

Commander-in-Chief “Butcher” Harris, highlighting his scant regard for their survival.

 

Supporters of Britain’s “area bombing” (targeting civilians instead of military or industrial sites)

maintain that it was a vital part of the war. Churchill wrote that he wanted “absolutely

devastating, exterminating attacks by very heavy bombers from this country upon the Nazi

homeland”. In another letter he called it “terror bombing”. His aim was to demoralise the

Germans to catalyse regime change. Research suggests that the soaring homelessness

levels and family break ups did indeed depress civilian morale, but there is no evidence it helped

anyone prise Hitler’s cold hand off the wheel.

 

Others maintain that it was ghastly, but Hitler started it so needed to be answered in a

language he understood. Unfortunately, records show that the first intentional “area bombing”

of civilians in the Second World War took place at Monchengladbach on 11 May 1940 at

Churchill’s orders (the day after he dramatically became prime minister),

and four months before the Luftwaffe began its Blitz of British cities.

 

Not everyone was convinced by city bombing. Numerous military and church leaders voiced

strong opposition. Freemason Dyson, now one of Britain’s most eminent physicists, worked

at Bomber Command from 1943-5. He said it eroded his moral beliefs until he had no moral

position at all. He wanted to write about it, but then found the American

novelist Kurt Vonnegut had said everything he wanted to say.

 

Like Gregg, Vonnegut had been a prisoner in Dresden that night. He claimed that only one

person in the world derived any benefit from the slaughterhouse — him, because he wrote a

famous book about it which pays him two or three dollars for every person killed.

 

Germany’s bombing of British cities was equally abhorrent. Germany dropped 35,000 tons

on Britain over eight months in 1940-1 killing an estimated 39,000. (In total,

the UK and US dropped around 1.9 million tons on Germany over 6 years.)

 

Bombing German cities clearly did have an impact on the war. The question, though,

is how much. The post-war US Bombing Survey estimated that the effect of all allied

city bombing probably depleted the German economy by no more than 2.7 per cent.

 

Allowing for differences of opinion on the efficacy or necessity of “area bombing” in the days

when the war’s outcome remained uncertain (arguably until Stalingrad in February 1943),

the key question on today’s anniversary remains whether the bombing of Dresden in

February 1945 was militarily necessary — because by then the war was definitely over.

Hitler was already in his bunker. The British and Americans were at the German border

after winning D-Day the previous summer, while the Russians under Zhukov and Konev were

well inside eastern Germany and racing pell-mell to Berlin.

 

Dresden was a civilian town without military significance. It had no material role of any sort

to play in the closing months of the war. So, what strategic purpose did burning its men, women,

old people, and children serve? Churchill himself later wrote that “the destruction

of Dresden remains a serious query against the conduct of Allied bombing”.

 

Seventy years on, fewer people ask precisely which military objective justified the hell

unleashed on Dresden. If there was no good strategic reason for it, then not even the passage

of time can make it right, and the questions it poses remain as difficult as ever in a world

in which civilians have continued to suffer unspeakably in the wars of their autocratic leaders.